In a July 29, 2021, appearance on Tucker Carlson’s show, J.D. Vance expressed a disdainful view of modern society, one that mirrored Carlson’s own transformation from Trump skeptic to enthusiastic supporter. Vance, once critical of Donald Trump, had become a vocal participant in the culture wars, attacking what he deemed the social engineering of left-wing elites. According to Vance, the country was essentially run by “childless cat ladies,” women who, in his view, had made poor choices in their personal lives and now sought to impose their misery on others. He singled out prominent figures like Kamala Harris, Pete Buttigieg, and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez as prime examples of these “childless leaders” whom he argued should be excluded from positions of power.
This rhetoric fits squarely within Vance’s role in the intellectual wing of the Trumpified GOP, often referred to as the New Right. A loosely-knit group of intellectuals, activists, politicians, and influencers, the New Right harbors deep skepticism about modern feminism and gender equality, dismissing what they call “gender ideology.” At the heart of this movement is a rejection of the gains made by feminism, with overt chauvinism emerging as a central unifying theme. Vance, like many within this camp, has become a key figure in entrenching a vision of America that is steeped in traditional gender roles and deeply hostile to feminist ideals.
On the surface, Vance portrays himself as a decent, family-oriented man who champions traditional conservative values. But a closer examination of his views on women and gender reveals an unsettling set of opinions that veer well beyond the mainstream. He is a staunch opponent of abortion, even in cases of rape and incest, comparing the practice to slavery. Vance has also voiced opposition to same-sex marriage and criticized the sexual revolution for making divorce too easy. In a 2022 campaign video, he suggested that even people in violent marriages should stay together “for the children,” though his campaign later distanced itself from this extreme sentiment. His policy advocacy, including support for Viktor Orban’s pro-natalist measures in Hungary, shows a clear preference for traditional family structures, echoing the New Right’s embrace of family-first policies.
Vance’s views align him with a faction of the American New Right that identifies as “postliberal.” Postliberalism, as articulated by thinkers like Notre Dame professor Patrick Deneen, challenges liberalism’s individualistic values, which postliberals believe harm community and family life. Deneen’s 2018 book Why Liberalism Failed argues that liberal ideals, including women’s emancipation from the home, lead to a form of societal bondage, subordinating individuals to market forces. This worldview casts modern feminism, and even gay marriage, as forms of social disintegration, prioritizing individual choice over traditional moral structures.
Vance, a vocal admirer of Deneen, has integrated these postliberal ideas into his own political worldview. At a 2023 event, Vance endorsed Deneen’s anti-elitist vision, positioning himself as a challenger of the so-called “ruling class” and a proponent of a new political order that would roll back progressive social changes. The influence of postliberal thought is also evident in his relationship with Harvard law professor Adrian Vermeule, a leading figure in American postliberalism. Vermeule advocates for a constitutional framework that would allow judges to strike down laws like marriage equality or abortion protections in favor of a more “common good” approach to governance.
Vance’s association with the Claremont Institute, a leading think tank for the New Right, further underscores his ideological alignment with the most extreme elements of this movement. The Institute has been home to figures like Scott Yenor, who has made controversial remarks about women in the workforce, and Jack Murphy, a prominent voice in the so-called “Manosphere,” whose misogynistic views have sparked widespread condemnation. Both Yenor and Murphy are part of a larger network that seeks to uphold a patriarchal social order, with some even advocating for the revocation of women’s suffrage.
In Vance’s comments about “miserable cat ladies,” one can see echoes of far-right extremists like Costin Alamariu and Stephen Wolfe, who promote anti-feminist ideologies and argue that society is dominated by a “gynocracy” — a term used to describe a world where women hold disproportionate political and social power. These ideas, while fringe, have gained traction within the New Right, and Vance’s rhetoric places him squarely in their camp.
Vance’s mentor, Peter Thiel, shares similar views on women’s rights, having written in a 2009 essay that the extension of the franchise to women was a key factor in the decline of capitalist democracy. Thiel’s influence on Vance is evident, as the Ohio senator has consistently advanced policies that align with the patriarchal worldview of the New Right.
Vance’s rise within the New Right and his embrace of postliberal thought marks a new chapter in the ongoing culture wars. While Trump’s crude machismo alienated many women voters, Vance’s more conceptual form of sexism — one rooted in traditionalist ideas about gender and family — may resonate more deeply with certain segments of the electorate. However, it also risks further alienating the growing number of voters who see these views as regressive and harmful to women’s rights and social progress.
As the New Right continues to grow in influence, the ideas promoted by figures like Vance and Thiel will likely play a key role in shaping the future of American politics. Whether this vision will ultimately resonate with the broader electorate remains to be seen, but the stakes are high. The rise of a postliberal movement, with its anti-feminist undercurrents and rejection of modern gender norms, could redefine the direction of conservative politics in America for years to come.
